Those who don’t BLOCK Bangla Deshi Infiltrators, are BLOCKING Internet!-Dr. Pravin Togadia-vhp

Those who don’t BLOCK Bangla Deshi Infiltrators, are BLOCKING Internet!

Govt action is Unconstitutional & Undemocratic


New Delhi, August 24, 2012

Taking a jibe on Govt for an order by Telecom Dept to Internet Service Providers to BLOCK selected Twitter accounts & other web pages, VHP International Working President Dr Pravin Togadia said, “From media I came to know about such a draconian order for BLOCKING Twitter accounts of Sangh Pariwar, Sangh’s magazine Panchjanya, Dr Pravin Togadia, a few veteran journalists & others holding all these responsible for alleged Assam violence! It is like trying to give Metacin Tablet for Cancer instead of treating actual Cancer! Govt is purposely neither BLOCKING Bangla Deshi Infiltrators, nor properly punishing their local supporters who were seen attacking even the police in Mumbai. 3 Crore (30 Million) Bangla Deshi Muslim Infiltrators are spread in various states of Bharat, killing Assam’s original Tribes / Hindus & other Non-Muslims as well as terrorizing Indian citizens including Police & also causing Mass Exodus of North Eastern Indians. But for vote bank, Govt has been protecting them & BLOCKING expression of other citizens of Bharat.”

Dr Togadia asked, “Where was Twitter in 1990 Kashmir Ethnic Cleansing of Hindus? Where was Twitter & internet in 1947 when during partition 1 Million people were killed & 10 Million were displaced? Where was Twitter during emergency in 1975? Inability of handling the real issue of Bangla Deshi Infiltration due to vote greed is a serious threat to Bharat’s safety & security. Terming common people’s sentiments & expressions on internet as ‘Hate Speech’ the leaders of the political parties that benefit from such ‘imported’ vote bank are giving Love Speeches about their Human Rights when Lakhs of Tribals are displaced in Assam & in other states.”

Bharat is used to such illegal Gag orders time to time. In emergency, it was on papers; now it is on Mobile SMSs, Internet etc. It will soon spread to all other media. This is typical of inefficient Govts to blame others for own incompetency. Bharat knows how to handle such ‘Twitter Handle Blocks’ democratically. We condemn this unconstitutional tyranny by the Govt & considering legal options against it.




The man who brought coal fiasco under spotlight

Meet Hansraj Ahir, the man who brought coal fiasco under spotlight


NEW DELHI: The man who alleged foul play in coal block allocations to private companies seven years ago, passes by almost unnoticed in the din in Parliament. BJP MP, Hansraj Gangaram Ahir, has only one motive – get all 142 coal block allotments cancelled.

 Ahir has made a string of allegations against the government – from transfer of ownership by those allotted blocks, 35 allocations without clearance from the screening committee, to ‘ignoring’ Coal India and other public sector undertakings in favour  of private companies during allocation.


Among numerous letters he exchanged with various authorities over the years is one from CIL in August last year, which said it had received no intimation from the coal ministry on its request made in 2008 to consider allocation of 138 coal blocks, with a total resource of 57.57 billion tonne, to sustain the long-term coal production programme to meet the country’s demand.


“The government gave CIL mostly underground blocks, which are difficult to mine. It preferred private companies over SAIL, NMDC, NALCO and RINL. CIL was given status of maharatna but the government itself is undermining it,” Ahir alleged.


It was in 2005 that Hansraj Gangaram Ahir first pointed fingers at the allocations when he was a member of the parliamentary standing committee on coal and steel. He then began a lone battle against the government, sending letters to the prime minister, finance minister and coal minister. In 2010, he managed the support of 19 NDA MPs to seek an audit of ‘loss’ incurred in the coal blocks allocation. It was in 2011 that BJP president Nitin Gadkari asked party spokesperson Prakash Javadekar to join Hansraj Ahir in ‘revealing facts’ about allocation of coal blocks.


“My fight was against loot of a national property. It has become a fight against corruption,” said the three-time MP from Chandrapur, who describes himself as “just one of the campaigners.” His interest in coal stems from the fact that he belongs to a coal-rich region and was a member of the parliamentary panel on coal and steel. He said it was after sending several letters to the prime minister and getting ‘no concrete response’ that he wrote to the Central Vigilance Commission in 2009, and to the Comptroller and Auditor General in 2010.


While BJP stalls Parliament, Hansraj Gangaram Ahir is of the view that his battle will be won when the government cancels all 142 allocations. Hansraj Ahir’s party has made it clear that it would not climb down from the demand for the prime minister’s resignation even if the allocations are negated.


Hansraj Ahir has fought for compensation for farmers in land acquisition for mines, after joining politics in 1980. Even as the coal blocks allocation has created a storm, Ahir continues with his campaign.


It was his and Javadekar’s complaint to CVC that formed the basis of a CBI investigation. CAG has estimated a presumptive loss of 1.86 lakh crore. According to BJP the loss figure would be much higher.

National interests and security must never be ignored.

Demographic aggression
S.K. Sinha

Sparks from Assam started dangerous fires in Mumbai and some other places last week. Mercifully, these did not last long. But they have the potential to start a gigantic fire engulfing the entire nation. This is a chilling reminder of the Partition holocaust, one of the greatest human tragedies in history.

Muhammed Ali Jinnah announced that his party would observe August 16, 1946, as Direct Action Day. He declared, “Today we bid good-bye to constitutional methods. Today we have forged a pistol and are in a position to use it. We mean every word of it.” Bengal was the only province in the country where the Muslim League was in power. Direct Action was launched in Calcutta. Suhrawardy, the Muslim League chief minister, released his goons, as per plan.

There was a massacre of non-Muslims on the first two days. It was surprising that the British governor did not exercise his special powers to dismiss the Muslim League ministry and impose Governor’s Rule. He remained a mute spectator. From the third day, non-Muslims, primarily Sikh taxi drivers and Bihari labourers, started retaliating in a big way and Muslims now suffered equally. Suhrawardy asked for help from the Army to restore order. He now turned on East Bengal, which had a hapless Hindu minority.

Hindu women were targeted and there was complete mayhem in Noakhali region. The Mahatma undertook a padyatra in Noakhali to restore peace. Thousands of Hindu refugees from East Bengal poured into Bihar seeking shelter. They narrated their tales of woe. Hindus in Bihar got inflamed and started attacking the local Muslim minority with a vengeance. Widespread communal violence in rural areas took place for the first time. This was difficult to control as it was spread over a vast area, devoid of suitable communications. Hitherto communal riots used to be an urban phenomenon.

The Bihar government promptly asked for Army assistance and normalcy was eventually restored. Several thousand Muslim families were massacred and their houses destroyed. The only redeeming feature was that Armymen remained totally impartial. Muslim priests from Peshawar, Rawalpindi and Lahore visited Bihar, saw the mayhem and went back with pictures of the atrocities. Soon the whole of North India, from Delhi to Peshawar, was in flames. The civil administration virtually collapsed; the Army was widely deployed. Most of the soldiers came from that region.

They saw how their kith and kin had suffered. The impartiality of the soldiers got seriously affected. With the announcement of Partition on June 3, 1947, the extent of violence increased further. Soldiers earmarked for different dominions now had divided loyalty. Millions perished and millions were uprooted in that holocaust.

The current violence in Assam has had a serious impact in several places. Pakistan launched a cyber war by sending SMSes and MMSes to Muslims to inflame communal passions. A mob of 50,000 Muslims collected at Azad Maidan in Mumbai to protest against atrocities on Muslims in Assam and Burma. Some burnt cars, targeted media, attacked shops, molested policewomen on duty and desecrated the Amar Jawan Smarak. Several policemen were injured. In Lucknow, mobs burnt shops, smashed cars and desecrated Buddha’s statue.

There were similar incidents in Allahabad. Besides, thousands of SMSes were sent threatening students and others from the Northeast in Pune, Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Chennai, asking them to quit. Knowing how Delhi police had failed to provide security for students from the Northeast, they panicked. An exodus of over 20,000 people took place. Intelligence about these messages was available but no preventive measures were taken by the Central and state governments. Against this background it was irresponsible for the state government to permit the holding of the protest rally at Azad Maidan. It also failed, miserably, to stop the mayhem.

The Opposition in Parliament has very rightly announced full support in tackling the grave crisis and not to take any political advantage. Yet we must identify the fault lines. The biggest problem facing the Northeast has been demographic aggression by the unabated influx of millions of illegal migrants from Bangla-desh. Our vote-bank politicians have been blatantly assisting this with total disregard for national security. If a repeat of what happened at the time of Partition is to be avoided, the government must shed its slothful and “chalta hai” approach. Good governance, prompt preventive action and ability to foresee situations rather than be overcome by them are imperative. National interests and security must never be ignored.

The writer, a retired lieutenant-general, was Vice-Chief of Army Staff and has served as governor of Assam and Jammu and Kashmir.


Muslim Behaviour Explained ….

Here is a perspective by Dr. Peter Hammond. 

Dr. Hammond’s doctorate is in Theology. 
He was born in Capetown in 1960, grew up in Rhodesia and converted to Christianity in 1977. 

Islam is not a religion, nor is it a cult.

In its fullest form, it is a complete, total, 100% system of life. 

Islam has religious, legal, political, economic, social, and military components.

The religious component is a beard for all of the other components. 

Islamization begins when there are sufficient Muslims in a country to agitate for their religious privileges. 

When politically correct, tolerant, and culturally diverse societies agree to Muslim demands for their religious privileges, some of the other components tend to creep in as well.. 

Here’s how it works: 

As long as the Muslim population remains around or under 2% in any given country, they will be for the most part be regarded as a peace-loving minority, and not as a threat to other citizens.

This is the case in: 
United States — Muslim 0..6% 
Australia — Muslim 1.5% 
Canada — Muslim 1.9% 
China — Muslim 1.8% 
Italy — Muslim 1.5% 
Norway — Muslim 1.8% 

At 2% to 5%, they begin to proselytize from other ethnic minorities and disaffected groups, often with major recruiting from the jails and among street gangs.This is happening in: 

Denmark — Muslim 2% 
Germany — Muslim 3.7% 
United Kingdom — Muslim 2.7% 
Spain — Muslim 4% 
Thailand — Muslim 4.6% 

From 5% on, they exercise an inordinate influence in proportion to their percentage of the population.

For example, they will push for the introduction of halal (clean by Islamic standards) food, thereby securing food preparation jobs for Muslims.

They will increase pressure on supermarket chains to feature halal on their shelves — along with threats for failure to comply.This is occurring in: 

France — Muslim 8% 
Philippines — 5% 
Sweden — Muslim 5% 
Switzerland — Muslim 4.3% 
The Netherlands — Muslim 5.5% 
Trinidad & Tobago — Muslim 5.8% 

At this point, they will work to get the ruling government to allow them to rule themselves (within their ghettos) under Sharia, the Islamic Law.

The ultimate goal of Islamist is to establish Sharia law over the entire world. 

When Muslims approach 10% of the population, they tend to increase lawlessness as a means of complaint about their conditions.

In Paris , we are already seeing car-burnings.

Any non-Muslim action offends Islam, and results in uprisings and threats, such as in Amsterdam , with opposition to Mohammed cartoons and films about Islam.

Such tensions are seen daily, particularly in Muslim sections, in: 

Guyana — Muslim 10% 
India — Muslim 13.4% 
Israel — Muslim 16% 
Kenya — Muslim 10% 
Russia — Muslim 15% 

After reaching 20%, nations can expect hair-trigger rioting, jihad militia formations, sporadic killings, and the burnings of Christian churches and Jewish synagogues, such as in:

Ethiopia — Muslim 32..8% 

At 40%, nations experience widespread massacres, chronic terror attacks, and on-going militia warfare, such as in: 

Bosnia — Muslim 40% 
Chad — Muslim 53.1% 
Lebanon — Muslim 59.7% 

From 60%, nations experience unfettered persecution of non-believers of all other religions (including non-conforming Muslims), sporadic ethnic cleansing (genocide), use of Sharia Law as a weapon, and Jizya, the tax placed on infidels, such as in: 

Albania — Muslim 70% 
Malaysia — Muslim 60.4% 
Qatar — Muslim 77.5% 
Sudan — Muslim 70% 

After 80%, expect daily intimidation and violent jihad, some State-run ethnic cleansing, and even some genocide, as these nations drive out the infidels, and move toward 100% Muslim, such as has been experienced and in some ways is on-going in: 

Bangladesh — Muslim 83% 
Egypt — Muslim 90% 
Gaza — Muslim 98.7% 
Indonesia — Muslim 86.1% 
Iran — Muslim 98% 
Iraq — Muslim 97% 
Jordan — Muslim 92% 
Morocco — Muslim 98.7% 
Pakistan — Muslim 97% 
Palestine — Muslim 99% 
Syria — Muslim 90% 
Tajikistan — Muslim 90% 
Turkey — Muslim 99.8% 
United Arab Emirates — Muslim 96% 

100% will usher in the peace of ‘Dar-es-Salaam’ — the Islamic House of Peace.. Here there’s supposed to be peace, because everybody is a Muslim, the Madrasses are the only schools, and the Koran is the only word, such as in: 

Afghanistan — Muslim 100% 
Saudi Arabia — Muslim 100% 
Somalia — Muslim 100% 
Yemen — Muslim 100% 

Unfortunately, peace is never achieved, as in these 100% states the most radical Muslims intimidate and spew hatred, and satisfy their blood lust by killing less radical Muslims, for a variety of reasons. 

‘Before I was nine I had learned the basic canon of Arab life.

It was me against my brother; me and my brother against our father ;

my family against my cousins and the clan ;

the clan against the tribe ;

the tribe against the world, and all of us against the infidel”. —

Leon Uris, ‘The Haj’ 

It is important to understand that in some countries, with well under 100% Muslim populations, such as France, the minority Muslim populations live in ghettos, within which they are 100% Muslim, and within which they live by Sharia Law.

The national police do not even enter these ghettos. 
There are no national courts, nor schools, nor non-Muslim religious facilities.

In such situations, Muslims do not integrate into the community at large.

The children attend madrases.

They learn only the Koran.

To even associate with an infidel is a crime punishable with death.

Therefore, in some areas of certain nations, Muslim Imams and extremists exercise more power than the national average would indicate. 

Today’s 1.5 billion Muslims make up 22% of the world’s population.

But their birth rates dwarf the birth rates of Christians, Hindus, Buddhists, Jews, and all other believers .. Muslims will exceed 50% of the world’s population by the end of this century. 

Adapted from Dr. Peter Hammond’s book: Slavery, Terrorism and Islam: 
The Historical Roots and Contemporary Threat.

A growing intolerance


All religious minorities, including non-Sunni Muslims, face persecution in Pakistan. Hindus carry the added burden of being identified with India.

Pardon the plugging of a piece by Pakistani writer Mohammed Hanif that appeared in Dawn last week. It gives a perspective to the reported episodes of Hindus fleeing Pakistan that needs wide airing.

Hanif’s story of a Hazara Shia teenager being packed off to Thailand for his protection (he writes in the same piece about meeting in Mumbai a Pakistani Hindu who had settled for good in the city) drives home the message that it is not just the non-Muslims who are insecure in Pakistan. Non-Sunni Muslim sects are equally threatened. Shias, in particular, are pulled out of buses and summarily executed in broad daylight in various parts of the country. Among the Shias, the Hazara Shias are particularly vulnerable as their distinctive Mongloid features are a dead giveaway. Many have been fleeing the country, seeking asylum in far-off lands. So targeted are the Shias that many wonder if Pakistan’s founding father Mohammad Ali Jinnah — a Shia — would have been able to live there today. Even back in 1948, Jinnah’s state funeral was conducted as per Sunni traditions.


Ahmedis are subject to a targeted hate campaign with lawyers calling for boycotting their products, wall writings inciting hatred towards them — sometimes reportedly even inside government buildings — and dome-like structures on their places of worship (the law of the land does not permit these structures to be called mosques) pulled down on court orders. Hindus have not met that fate, yet.

But, the pace at which Pakistan is getting radicalised, all those who do not subscribe to the Wahhabi/Salafi/Takfiri school of Islam are being targeted almost simultaneously. When Sufi shrines are bombed, how safe is the average Muslim who prefers Sufism to the puritan Wahhabism, insists on calling the month of fasting ‘Ramzan’ instead of the Saudi ‘Ramadan’ and sticks to ‘Khuda Haafiz’ in place of Zia-imposed ‘Allah Hafiz’?

Hindus carry the added baggage of being identified with India. Hindus living in Islamabad claim their neighbours call them Indians because of their faith. Christians, in comparison, have gone out of their way to melt into the crowd by assuming Muslim names. So, a Paul or a Jacob is rare, the preferred names being Shahbaz, Shazia, Nasreen, Tahira, and such like. According to one estimate, 60 per cent of Christians have Muslim names. The lone Christian member of the federal cabinet who was assassinated last year had been christened Shahbaz Bhatti.

But then the bulk of Christians in Pakistan are in Punjab which has been on the radicalisation trajectory for decades. Sindh, according to defence analyst Ayesha Siddiqa, is fast catching up but the trend has largely gone ignored. Some data was provided by Jinnah Institute’s Raza Rumi in a detailed article “Jinnah’s Pakistan Cannot Be Abandoned’’ on Pakistan’s Independence Day. In Khairpur, 93 seminaries out of the 117 are not registered with the government and in Umerkot — where many Hindus reside — there are more than 400 madrassas, he wrote. This has changed the social fabric of a province known for its religious tolerance.

Given that Pakistan has not been regular with its census, verified population figures are difficult to come by. According to the Pakistan Hindu Council (PHC), there are 7,000,000 Hindus in the country and nearly 94 per cent of them are in Sindh. “For the most part, Hindus in Pakistan are well educated and active in commerce, trade and the civil service,” is how the PHC profiles the community on its website.

Though there have been reports of forced conversion of Hindu girls from different parts of the province in recent years, community leaders concede that this was generally ignored because the victims initially belonged to the lower castes. That is how the Rinkle Kumari case — of the girl who was allegedly kidnapped by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) parliamentarian, Mian Mithu, and forcibly married to his son — was different.

More such cases came to light and three of them were together taken up by the Supreme Court. But to the disappointment of the community, the apex court sent the girls back with their ‘husbands’ on the premise that they wanted to stay married to them. The girls’ families maintain they said ‘yes’ under duress as they had been threatened with dire consequences. Rinkle Kumari is said to have attempted suicide several times in the past few months.

A further disappointment was that no enquiry was ordered into the actions of Mian Mithu — one of the pirs of Bharchundi Sharif. This added to the Hindu community’s fear that the judgment would strengthen his hands as Hindus had exhausted practically all their options. So when reports of large-scale migration to India in the name of pilgrimage surfaced, the suggestion by some civil society organisations to petition the court was poor consolation.

Most Hindu organisations contacted maintained that all those going to India this month were part of a pilgrimage — routine for this time of the year — and expected a majority of the families to return. Others claimed that some of the families had shut shop and sold their properties before leaving on the pilgrimage; indicating that they would not return. In Jacobabad — home to about a lakh-and-a-half Hindus — there was apparently a tearful send-off expecting no return.

Though the community has seen it coming for a while now, there has been an escalation in violence, kidnappings and forced conversions of girls this year. The proverbial last straw on the camel’s back was the kidnapping and forced conversion of girls, says vice-chairman of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (Sindh chapter), Amar Nath. He insists 50 per cent of Hindus living in Upper Sindh have moved out, the majority to Karachi. Those with the means have gone overseas.

In his estimate, 3,000 families have moved to India over the past three years. Last year, 300 families went to India on a pilgrimage and 60 of them stayed back.

The religious quotient of the issue apart, the relative prosperity of the Hindus of Upper Sindh also makes them easy prey for the Wadheras (feudal lords) of the province. Hindus who have spoken out have said the Wadheras are targeting them primarily to get them to leave their areas so that their properties can be taken over.

Harris Gazdar of the Karachi-based Collective for Social Science Research maintains that Hindus — particularly the most prominent ‘Vanyas’ — are generally known to be moneyed.


“Some of these crimes might be committed by groups with religious motivation, but most such crimes are motivated by money,” said Mr. Gazdar. “Their being Hindu is relevant because they stand out as being economically successful, and they may not receive the level of protection other wealthy people expect to receive from the state.”

The plight of the Scheduled Castes among Hindus is, expectedly, even worse. “They often complain that their plight is due to their minority status, and I think that this is a justified complaint.” Compared to other migrant ethnic groups into the irrigated plains of Sindh, they have not been successful in gaining upward mobility through group-based solidarity and political leverage. “It is therefore hard to escape the conclusion that they being Hindu has marked them out as being ‘not supported’ and hence easy prey to local power groups. I have a feeling that the upper caste mercantile/professional Hindus do not have strong feelings of solidarity with this group.”

Though both the federal and provincial governments have set up committees to enquire into the reports of an emigration and sent out teams to speak to the community, it has failed to instil any confidence; primarily because of the poor governance record of the PPP. This government’s tenure has seen an escalation of violence on religious grounds and it does not help those living in fear of the religious right wing that the PPP is the most secular of all political parties in Pakistan. And, Sindh is the PPP’s pocket borough.

Memoirs of a Hindu girl

I grew up in fear – every face around me depicted nothing but fear. I am sure that the first expression on my parent’s face on my birth as a female child born to Hindu parents living in Kandhkot would have been that of fear also. Why did I bring so much fear into the lives of my parents? I grew up always wondering what is it about me that continues to terrify. But I always drew a blank. How naïve I was.

Before I knew it, the time to attend school had arrived. School was comfortable; however, there were times when I felt like an outsider, finding it difficult to gel in with rest of the majority. Perhaps the snide remarks and incidents of discrimination led me to believe that I am not one of ‘them’. Of those incidents, I still vividly remember no one eating with me and refusing to sip from the cup I drank from.

Home wasn’t very different either. My mother asked questions about my life at school and otherwise looking for answers that would somehow relinquish her from the unknown fear. Afraid to disappoint her, I realised very early in my life that my mother could not be my confidant.

Growing up was not easy.

And then it happened. The fears of my mother and many Hindu mothers like her materialised. I went out to one of the largest markets of Kandhkot and was abducted by a man I knew very well. He was none other than the guard who was responsible for safeguarding our temples.

Knowing his face well prompted me to sit with him in his car without protest, however, instead of taking me to my house he turned to an alley that I wasn’t too familiar with. Scared and unsure about what lay ahead I started screaming just to hear my abductor scream louder and threaten me. Astonished and unable to comprehend the gravity of the situation I sat still until it was time to step out of the car to a small house which looked abandoned.

We entered the house to find a large room devoid of any furniture and other bearings except for a carpet that covered the floor. I was made to sit down on the floor.

Uncertain about what was going to happen to me; my mind raced with thoughts of the recent news of the abductions and forced conversions of Hindu girls. I sat there shuddering. The realisation struck me and I could see my entire life in front of me in kaleidoscope. My mother’s fears, my father’s warnings, the alienation I felt, the yearning to be a part of the circle of friends, the search for a confidant, a friend.

My worst fears were reaffirmed when a man wearing a turban entered the room to teach me about a religion which I grew up hearing about, however, felt no urge to practise or embrace. He kept sermonising me for hours but was unable to get me to listen to him, realising that he left asking me to ponder about the true religion.

His departure did not ignite any fire for eternal glory inside me but only made me wonder why did my parents not relocate to another country when they had the chance to do so? Why did they continue to live in fear waiting for the inevitable to happen instead of making a move to safer pastures? And, what made me think that I am any different from countless girls who are forced to change their faith?

Each passing day appeared to be more and more surreal. The ritual of preaching continued for days, I lost track. Eventually, when preaching did not do the trick, my abductor threatened me.

The routine ranging from threats to persuasion and from glorifying the paradise to the wrath of God for non-believers only made me wonder: Do we not all pray to the same God — a God who is manifested in nature, colours, happiness and love? Why would he punish me for being a Hindu?

Somewhere along this relentless persuasion, came that horrifying threat of harming my family – I gave in. My approval followed a small ceremony in which I was forced to embrace Islam and later married off to the man who will always be remembered as the ‘messiah’ who for saved me from the unknown territory of sin and infidelity I was treading on.

After the ceremony, instead of receiving blessings for a happy and prosperous life ahead, I was immediately escorted to a local court where a Muslim magistrate declared my conversion and marriage in accordance with the law.

The news of my conversion and marriage to a Muslim man spread like wildfire. I dreaded the moment of meeting my parents. I never wanted to see pain and agony on their faces let alone be the reason for all their grief. Sure enough, one look at my mother made me yearn for my own death.

I wanted to tell her that I love her and that her safety was all I had in mind when I converted. I wanted to tell my father to keep my sisters safe. I wanted to tell my brothers to leave the country whilst they still could. I wanted to say much more but their silent pain and suffering made me wish if only I wasn’t born a girl, if only I wasn’t born in Pakistan, if only I had the right to be myself and practise my faith without being herded into a religion that I failed to comprehend, if only I could make them all understand that there is just one God for all, if only I could give us all an identity that we rightly deserve.

Looking at all the faces that once seemed familiar; I wondered: who am I?

I am one but share the pain of many. I am Rachna Kumari, Rinkle Kumari, Manisha Kumari and the many more Hindu girls who will be forced to convert in Pakistan. I am the fear of their families and the agony that they undergo. I am the misery of those girls who die a little every day for the injustices done to them.

I am a minority living in an intolerant society.


Source –


RSS assures Safety & Security to NE Indians living any part of India :Dattatreya Hosabale

August 16th, 2012, 6:24 pm

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh

Press Release, By Dattatreya Hosabale, RSS Joint General Secretary from Guwahati

The tragic circumstance under which Assam is passing through is a matter of grave concern for all countrymen. The RSS expresses its deep anguish over the pain, sufferings and losses faced by the people of Assam in the recent outburst of violence in Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) and Dhubri. The fact that a large number of people have been killed, many are injured and lakhs have been rendered homeless due to loot and arson shows that the situation is alarming. It is an irony that people have to live in refugee camps in their own country because of hostilities from foreigners.

The RSS also is pained to know that a large number of students and young employees of North East states in several parts of our country are returning to Assam and other North-eastern states in an atmosphere of fear and threat.

The present situation in Assam that erupted on 20 July is not an isolated or sudden one, but it is another episode in the series of such violent incidents took place earlier. There have been skirmishes and conflicts leading to wide spread violence in the past due to a large presence of illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators.

Tensions between Bangladeshi Muslim and local communities have prevailed in the region for many years now. In this context, we can quote several incidents, the Idgah incident at Fakiragram being the recent one, or the Udalguri violence four years back. The ever increasing number of Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators has not only disturbed peace and amity in the region but created socio-economic and political problems also. The people of Assam and other NE states are well aware of this as they are experiencing it. Time and again, various organisations have raised the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration and demanded from the Govts-both state and union-to put a halt to this vexed problem. At the national level RSS and many others have also been voicing the same opinion for last three decades. But unfortunately, these demands have met with no tangible solution.

It has been the considered opinion of RSS on the basis of ground realities that the frequent outburst of violence is due to this conflict between the Indian citizens of Assam /NE and the illegal infiltrators.

The recent violent incidents in Mumbai point to the fact that the situation has taken alarming proportion and different dimension. The Mumbai incident and also the attack on students at Pune deserve to be condemned by all. Such violent eruptions have been witnessed at Ranchi also. Considering these developments, there appears to be a larger conspiracy to create tension and spread violence in other parts of the nation. It is for all to see that the situation is kept under control.

There is a complaint by visitors that many people in the relief camps where Muslims are taking shelter, are not coming from the villages which have faced violence. I demand the Govt. authorities to enquire into this and take necessary steps as per the situation.

The swayamsevaks of RSS, and organisations inspired by the Sangh, have rushed to the relief work soon after the violence erupted. Our Swayamsevaks are rendering succor to the affected people in the Bodo areas. They are working in more than 60 camps, providing food provisions, cooked food, medicine, cloths, utensils and other needs. Teams of Medical Doctors from Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh visited the area for three weeks and rendered medical aid. More works of relief and rehabilitation are being contemplated.

Workers of RSS have met NE students and others at Pune, Mumbai, Bangalore, Kerala, Hyderabad, Delhi etc. and offered all help for their safety and security. Also, they have announced help line nos. Food and security have been provided enroute by Sangh, ABVP, BJP and others to these youth who are travelling by trains to Assam.

The current problem is the result of the tension between the local communities who are genuine citizens of the nation and the Bangladeshi Muslims who are illegal migrants. The RSS demands from the Govt to implement all effective steps immediately to curb the infiltration from Bangladesh and to detect them here, delete their names (from electoral lists), and to deport back in order to put a permanent halt to this problem. Also, the National Register of Citizens (NRC) should be prepared without further delay and non-citizens should be treated accordingly.

The RSS appeals to the general public of NE and also throughout the country to maintain total peace and amity by all efforts. It is extremely necessary to keep vigil that nobody misuses the situation and no tension or provocation is created in any part of the country.

The RSS also assures all help, safety and security to our brethren of Assam & other NE States living or studying in other parts of the country. We appeal to them not to get panic; however, we appeal to them to contact local RSS or ABVP offices at any place for any help. The people of Assam and NE are not alone but the entire country is with them at this hour of distress.

Bid to rediscover soul of India on foot


Sitaram Kedlia

It is a long journey to rediscover the ‘soul of India.’ Sitaram Kedilaya, former Akhil Bharatheeya Seva Pramukh and one of the members of the Karaykari Mandal of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), who embarked on the ‘Bharatha Parikrama’ on foot from Kanyakumari on August 9 would cross the huge land mass of the country covering 15,000 km touching all the districts before returning to the starting point in four to five years.

The 64-year-old senior RSS functionary, who arrived here on Friday morning, says that the aim of the yathra was to rediscover the native virtues of the villages, which he calls ‘’the soul of India.’’

He told ‘Express’ that he chose August 9 to start the yathra for two reasons; the day marks the Sreekrishna Jayanthi and the beginning of the Quit India movement. The yathra is being taken out to exhort the leaders of country to put an end to marketisation, commercialisation, over politicisation and criminalisation of the country and help revive the spiritual awakening of the villages.

Sustaining himself on a single meal a day, he covers 10 km a day in the morning before halting at a village and seeks alms from among the poor and ordinary people in the afternoon. He will interact with youths, handicapped and others on conservation of land, water, forests, organic farming and importance of protecting the biodiversity.

Between ‘Tight Screw’ and a hard place

Source of this article is The Hindu


No one knows when, or if, Pakistan will initiate an assault on the jihadist redoubt of North Waziristan. The Taliban, however, has fired the first retaliatory shot.

The soldiers’ severed heads, sawn off at the neck, were placed in two neat rows on an almost spotless white sheet, in a clearing in the lush green forest. The videotape recorded the hunt: the ruthless assault; the torture of the captured troops; bodies being dragged naked, lassoed over the neck, through the woods. “We are not enemies of the people or nation of Pakistan,” an unseen narrator intoned over the graphic video footage, “we are enemies of this infidel state.” “To bring god’s law to Pakistan,” he said, “that is our objective.”

Four months after that May massacre of 17 Pakistani troops by Taliban jihadists in Lower Dir, reports have emerged suggesting the country’s army is finally preparing for vengeance. In an August 13 interview, the United States Defence Secretary, Leon Panetta, disclosed that Pakistan had committed to launching a long-awaited assault against the key jihadist redoubt of North Waziristan. “Frankly”, he said, “I’d lost hope that they were going to do anything about it. But it does appear that they in fact are going to take that step.”

No hard facts have emerged on how — and when, and if — what the Pakistani media is referring to by the code name “Tight Screw” might unfold. The first shots in retaliation, however, have already been fired: Thursday’s Taliban assault on the Minhas airbase — home to key elements of the country’s nuclear arsenal — appears intended to signal to the country’s military commanders the costs of the war they are on the edge of launching.


“Lal Masjid attackers, here we come”, shouted members of the jihadist assault team who stormed the police training centre in Manawan in March 2009. In late 2007, the nebulous networks of Islamist commanders operating out of Pakistan’s Federally-Administered Tribal Areas came together in a loose coalition that called itself the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The new leadership had close links to jihadists elsewhere in Pakistan and their clerical patrons. Pakistan’s former military ruler, Pervez Musharraf, feared that Lal Masjid might prove the vanguard of a revolution. It was to prove a murderous choice, plunging Pakistan into its worst existential crisis since 1971.

Ever since at least 2004, as the Taliban-led war in Afghanistan gathered momentum, the jihad commanders now grouped in the TTP had begun to establish what scholar C. Christine Fair has called “an archipelago of shari’a within large swathes of the Pashtun belt.” In general from non-elite backgrounds, the new commanders used Islamism as a tool to displace the traditional tribal leadership which had bound the region’s peoples to the Pakistani state. The jihadists used the payoffs of the Afghan war — ranging from protection rackets, extortion, gun-running, heroin trafficking — to build legitimacy among their communities.

In a thoughtful recent analysis of the Haqqani network, the pre-eminent Islamist warlord empire in Afghanistan and its Pakistani borderlands, analyst Gretchen Peters has noted that the group was “similar to the Sicilian mafia, which emerged in the 19th Century in a period when the Italian state was weak”.

From 2004, under pressure from the U.S., Pakistan engaged the TTP’s future commanders in battle — with humiliating results. Nek Muhammad ground the Pakistan army to a stalemate in South Waziristan, compelling it to sign a surrender of authority thinly disguised as an agreement. Baitullah Mehsud forced a similar agreement on the Pakistani state in 2005. In 2007, Sufi Muhammad’s Taliban-affiliated Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e- Mohammadi seized control of Swat.

Gen. Musharraf’s 2007 attack on Lal Masjid was an effort to fight back — but it ended up bringing the war in the borderlands to Pakistan’s heart. In 2007, for example, a bus carrying Air Force officers’ children was targeted near the Minhas airbase; in 2009, the army’s General Headquarters at Rawalpindi and the Inter-Services Intelligence Headquarters were attacked.

Ever since he succeeded Gen. Musharraf as army chief in 2007, General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani slowly de-escalated the war in the borderlands. Like so many similar plans, though, Gen. Kayani’s plans to purchase peace came at an unaffordable price. The jihadist networks in Pakistan’s north-west gave sustenance, shelter and logistical assistance to insurgents operating against international and Afghan forces across the border, infuriating the U.S.

Faced, finally, with threats of U.S. sanctions and unilateral military action across the border, Gen. Kayani seems to have been forced to give at least the impression of being willing to cave in.


Will he? No one outside of Pakistan’s circles of power knows precisely what its highest decision-making caucus, the commanders of its army corps, decided to do in North Waziristan at the last meeting on August 11. But it is clear that the tools for war are in place. Pakistan’s army, it isn’t widely understood, has been a bystander by choice in Waziristan: one infantry division, five brigades, 12 battalions and 11 Frontier Corps units are deployed in the region’s northern division, and another division, four brigades, 11 battalions, seven Frontier Corps wings in the south.

Past history, however, suggests Mr. Panetta’s optimism that Gen. Kayani means business might be misplaced. In the spring of 2010, Pakistan held out similar promises to the U.S.; that October, it claimed to be conducting stealth attacks on jihadists. Then, in May 2011, it again claimed to be planning an offensive which never materialised. Even if it does act, the record suggests there is no guarantee of even limited success.

From the point of view of Pakistan’s military strategists, the case for an all-out war against its jihadist adversaries isn’t as simple as it appears for one big reason: India. Prolonged internal conflict in Pakistan has meant that resources have been drained from the military capacities until recently directed at the historic eastern adversary. India’s economic growth has allowed it to enter a phase of relatively rapid military modernisation, offering it not only overwhelming superiority but also the capacity to target Pakistan’s nuclear and conventional assets with ever-great precision.

Ever since its 1998 nuclear tests, Pakistan has responded to India’s rise with nuclear expansion. Islamabad is estimated to have been producing over 100 kilograms of highly enriched uranium, or HEU, every year. Each of Pakistan’s implosion design warheads is estimated to use 15-20kg of HEU, meaning the country’s arsenal of 90-110 weapons is expanding steadily. In addition, Pakistan is known to be pursuing plutonium-based warheads. The Khushab plutonium production facility has been operational since at least 1998, and at least three new reactors are being built at the site — one of which may already be up and running.

Khalid Banuri, director of Arms Control and Disarmament Affairs in Pakistan’s nuclear apex body, the Strategic Plans Division, said last year that the precise number of nuclear weapons Pakistan needs to feel assured “cannot be quantified.”

Even though the Kamra attack is likely to set off speculation on the threat that jihadists might steal elements of Pakistan’s growing nuclear arsenal, that isn’t the threat. In an authoritative report released in June by the Congressional Research Service, nuclear weapons experts Paul Kerr and Mary Beth Nikitin noted there is a wide expert consensus that the arsenal itself is secure: real-world nuclear weapons, unlike in films, do not have red buttons with helpful “press here” signs. The real challenge would be jihadists taking control of the state itself.

India has clear equities in making sure this doesn’t happen. The TTP and its al-Qaeda linked allies have made clear their transnational agenda. In a recent interview to journalist Ihsanullah Tipu, TTP second-in-command Maulana Wali-ur-Rahman described the fighting as “a final conflict taking place between Islam and Infidel forces, and our struggle will continue till the conclusion, whether it is in Afghanistan, Pakistan, India or western countries”.

Exactly what India can do to assuage Pakistani insecurities — and thus facilitate its anti-jihadist campaign — is, however, less clear. Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal already exceeds the size of what is needed to annihilate any large-scale Indian military offensive, as well as most of its cities. Large, dramatic gestures, like a concession on Siachen, might conceivably help assuage Pakistani fears. Indian military and intelligence analysts aren’t, however, persuaded they will.

India or no India, though, Pakistan will be compelled to make a decision that will shape its future — by war or inaction. Major parties like former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League and Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaaf oppose a new anti-jihadist offensive, as do a broad swathe of Islamist groupings and many within the army. Forty eight hours before the Kamra attack, in a speech delivered to mark Pakistan’s Independence Day, General Kayani disagreed. “We are fully aware that it is the most difficult task for any Army to fight its own people”, he said. “[But] no state can afford a parallel system of governance and militias.” He must now decide how much blood he is willing to spill to defend that proposition.

where the Pakisthan Hindus for ever ?

कहाँ गए पाकिस्तान के अल्पसंख्यक
वुसतुल्लाह ख़ान | बुधवार, 15 अगस्त 2012, 13:54 IST
पाकिस्तान बनने के बाद जब पहली बार जनगणना की गई थी तो उस समय पाकिस्तान की तीन करोड़ चालीस लाख आबादी में से पांच प्रतिशत गैर-मुसलमान थे.

मगर आज पाकिस्तान के 18 करोड़ नागरिकों में गैर-मुसलमानों की सूची में अहमदी समुदाय को शामिल कर लिए जाने के बावजूद वहां गैर-मुसलमानों की संख्या पांच प्रतिशत से घट कर लगभग साढ़े तीन प्रतिशत रह गई है.

आखिर ऐसा कैसे और क्यों हुआ? कहा जाता है 1947 में कराची और पेशावर में लगभग डेढ़ हजार यहूदी बसा करते थे. ये पाकिस्तानी यहूदी अगले पांच सालों में वापस इसराइल चले गए.

विभाजन के समय कराची और लाहौर में दस हजार से अधिक पारसी मौजूद थे जबकि आज लाहौर में पैंतालीस पारसी भी नहीं बचे हैं. कराची में अगर कुछ पारसी बचे हुए हैं भी तो उनकी उम्र साठ साल से ऊपर की है.

पारसी समुदाय की नई पीढ़ी यहां पल-पल बदल रही स्थानीय परिस्थितियों के कारण देश छोड़कर यूरोप और अमरीका जा चुकी है.

19वीं सदी में गोवा से कराची में आकर रहने वाले रोमन कैथोलिक गोआनीज की आबादी विभाजन के समय 20 हजार से अधिक थी.

ये लोग शिक्षा, दफ्तरी काम-काज, संगीत और खाना पकाने के विशेषज्ञ थे.

हर दिन शाम को गोआ से आई सैकड़ों महिलाएं और पुरुष राष्ट्रपति क्षेत्र में शांति से टहला करते थे. लेकिन 65 सालों में कराची में रहने वाली इस आबादी की संख्या 20 से 40 हज़ार होने के बजाय 10 हजार हो गई.

और इन 10 हजार लोगों की आबादी भी कराची में इस वक़्त है ये कोई नहीं जानता.

हालांकि पाकिस्तान में डिजिटल रूप से हिंदू देश के सबसे बड़े ग़ैर मुस्लिम अल्पसंख्यक हैं, लेकिन हिंदूओं की तुलना में सिखों को पाकिस्तान के मुसलमान समाज ने ज्यादा गर्मजोशी से अपनाया है.

एक सिख नागरिक के साथ पाकिस्तान का एक आम स्थानीय मुसलमान का व्यवहार रुचिकर और उत्सुकता पैदा करने वाला होता है.

हालांकि दो साल पहले ख़ैबर इलाके में तालेबान द्वारा चार स्थानीय सिखों के अपहरण और उनमें से दो के सिर कलम किए जाने की घटना के बाद लगभग 20 हज़ार पाकिस्तानी सिखों में सरगर्मी फैल गई थी.

लेकिन पाकिस्तानी सिखों की संपत्ति पर बहुसंख्यक आबादी द्वारा यदा-कदा कब्ज़ा करने की घटनाओं के अलावा यहाँ आमतौर पर कोई और शिकायत नहीं लगती.

पाकिस्तान में सिखों की ज़्यादातर आबादी खै़बर पख्तूनख्वाह़ प्रांत और ननकाना साहिब में रहती है.

अधिकांश सिखों का परिवार यहां खेतीबाड़ी और व्यापार के काम में मगन है. इनमें से कुछ तो मीडिया के पोस्टर बॉयज भी हैं.

यहां जब भी किसी चैनल पर धार्मिक सहिष्णुता पर वीडियो रिपोर्ट बनाई जाती है तो निर्माता की पूरी कोशिश होती है कि इस वीडियो में पंजाब विधानसभा के सदस्य कल्याण सिंह कल्याण या लाहौर यातायात पुलिस के पहले सिख वार्डन गुलाब सिंह का कोई फुटेज दिखाया जाए.

इसके अलावला पंजाबी पॉप गायिका जस्सी-लाइल-पुरी की संगीत एलबम का भी कोई क्लिप डालने की पूरी कोशिश होती है.

पाकिस्तान में जनगणना के आंकड़ों के हिसाब से हिंदूओं की संख्या लगभग 30 लाख और पाकिस्तान हिंदू परिषद के अनुसार 70 लाख है.

बहरहाल संख्या जो भी हो पाकिस्तान में रह रहे 94 प्रतिशत हिंदू सिंध में बसते हैं.

विभाजन के बाद से अब तक पाकिस्तानी हिंदू समुदाय कम से कम चार-बार ये सोचने पर मजबूर हुआ कि वे पाकिस्तान में रहना चाहते हैं या नहीं.

1965 की लड़ाई के दौरान कम से कम 10 हजार के लगभग हिंदूओं की आबादी अपनी संपत्ति छोड़कर भारत चली गई थी.

1971 के युद्ध के दौरान और बाद लगभग नब्बे हजार हिंदू राजस्थान के शिविरों में चले गए. ये लोग थरपारकर इलाके थे जिस पर भारतीय फौज का कब्जा हो गया था.1978 तक उन्हें शिविरों से बाहर निकलने की अनुमति नहीं थी.

इनमें से बहुत से पाकिस्तान लौटना चाहते थे. बाद में भुट्टो सरकार ने इलाका वापस ले लिया लेकिन सरकार ने लोगों को वापस लेने में कोई रुचि नहीं दिखाई.

फिर 1992 में बाबरी मस्जिद के विध्वंस के बाद पाकिस्तान में जो प्रतिक्रिया हुई उसके परिणाम में अगले पांच साल के दौरान लगभग सत्रह हजार पाकिस्तानी हिंदू भारत चले गए.

इस बार अधिकांश पलायन करने वालों का संबंध पंजाब से था. 1965 और 1971 में पाकिस्तान से जाने वाले हिंदूओं को आख़िरकार दो हजार चार में भारतीय नागरिकता मिल गई लेकिन बाबरी मस्जिद की प्रतिक्रिया के बाद जाने वाले पाकिस्तानी हिंदूओं को अब तक नागरिकता नहीं मिल सकी है.

आज भी लगभग एक हज़ार हिंदू परिवार पाकिस्तानी पासपोर्ट पर रह रहे हैं और नागरिकता की मांग कर रहे हैं.

अब एक बार फिर उत्तरी सिंध में अपहरण की बढ़ती घटनाओं, संपत्तियों पर कब्जे, धार्मिक चरमपंथ और हिंदू लड़कियों के इस्लाम अपनाने ने हिंदू समुदाय को भयभीत कर दिया है.

जहां तक ​​हिंदूओं के बाद पाकिस्तान की दूसरी बड़ी अल्पसंख्यक यानी ईसाइयों का मामला है तो सरकारी अनुमान के अनुसार लगभग पौने दो प्रतिशत पाकिस्तानी नागरिक ईसाई हैं.

पाकिस्तान क्रिसचियन कांग्रेस नामक संगठन के प्रमुख नज़ीर भट्टी ने तीन दिन पहले लगभग ढाई सौ हिंदूओं की भारत प्रस्थान पर टिप्पणी करते हुए कहा है कि वह तो भारत जा सकते हैं. हम कहां जाएंगे.