President of India address the Central University of Orissa on the occasion of 4th Foundation Day.

Date: 30.08.2013

His Excellency, Hon’ble President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee, delivered an address on the eve of the fourth foundation day of the Central University of Orissa from Rashtrapati Bhawan at New Delhi via video conferencing. The president is also the visitor of the Central University of Orissa. The video conference was arranged at national informatics centre Bhubaneswar where Prof. (Dr.) Surabhi Banerjee, the Vice-Chancellor, Registrar, faculty and students of University were present. In her welcome address Prof. (Dr.) Surabhi Banerjee outlined the academic developments and goals of the University.
Central Odisha University
His Excellency, Hon’ble President of India said that it was the first time that he was addressing a Central University through video conferencing. He emphasised on character building by quoting Mahatma Gandhi. He praised Central University of Orissa for developing remarkably in a short time. Recently the university is awarded the Best Emerging University in the Tribal Area-2023. He congratulated the Vice-Chancellor and staff of the University. He also remembers the visit to the University in its First Convocation.

The conference was concluded with vote of thanks by Prof. A. K. Mishra, Registrar of the University.
Yours sincerely

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‘A nation without a vision dies’

INTERVIEW Former President of India APJ Abdul Kalam whose book of memoirs has just been launched on why the state of our democracy is our responsibility

Former President of India APJ Abdul Kalam, who has authored several books, has come out with a deeply personal, readable and pocket-sized book of memoirs, My Journey: Transforming Dreams into Action (Rupa). Dedicated to “the sixteen million youth I have met and interacted with in the last two decades,” the book relates his life story that began in Rameswaram, a temple town on the Tamil Nadu coast. Every chapter contains a lesson. He relates, for example, how his father, who was the imam of the mosque at Rameswaram, conferred with his friends — the priest of the temple and of the local church — to thwart communal feelings before they got out of hand. He affectionately recalls his mentors, ranging from his parents and cousins to the eminent scientist Vikram Sarabhai. In the process, a moving portrait of a boy burning with zeal to learn emerges. The simplicity of the small-town boy is overwhelmingly apparent in Dr. Kalam, who made the transition from first citizen to ordinary Indian without a hiccup. Edited excerpts from an interview:

Today, greatness is largely measured by material wealth, and this in turn brings about discontent in society. Do you feel there is a need for us to shun materialism as your father and elders did?

I studied till High School in British India. In 1947, we got freedom and I started living in India’s India. I have seen various transformations in society, be it the economy or the value system. While our economy is developing, we need citizens with ethics and a value system. For the last 10 years I’ve been promoting an idea called Evolution of Enlightened Citizens. It has three dimensions. One is education with value system. This comes from the family, or may be from a primary school teacher. After all, the evolution of enlightened citizens is essential for India and the world. Second, comes economic prosperity. Third, religion should transform into a spiritual force. I advocate these three (www.abdulkalam.com).

I have given lectures in our Parliament, addressed the European parliament of 23 nations, a pan-African parliament of 53 nations, and the Korean parliament. I am not saying the Indian value system should be taken to other countries. They also have great leaders and traditions based on their value system. I believe that one’s value system, the joint family system, economic growth and different religions transforming into a spiritual force are vital. That’s why I have shared this at various interactive forums.

Your work gives pre-eminence to inspiring and changing the thought pattern of the youth. However, as we see the country deluged with problems such as hunger, disease, deteriorating environment and unfit living conditions, how long will it take to see change, or is it already visible ?

Thought is the seed of action. Thought is as ancient as Socrates. Tiruvalluvar, 2,200 years ago, has also said that…That’s why I proposed in Parliament that we need India Vision 2020. That is, by 2020, India should become economically developed. Even now, it’s not too late. Parliament should consider how it can activate the vision for the nation, so prosperity can be aimed at. Our priority should be to use PURA – ‘providing urban amenities in rural areas’. Our farmers are producing 250 million tonnes of food. But we don’t do value addition, which means greater export potential. We are leading producers of fruits and vegetables but we don’t process these as juice or packaged food. And third, of course, small scale industries which are spread across the country.

Are you in touch with the PURA projects, and are these showing results?

I have seen in Madhya Pradesh, the Chitrakoot PURA founded by Nanaji Deshmukh. He is a pioneer and they are doing very well, more than 500 villages are connected, and there is prosperity. Another one I saw in Maharashtra, Warana PURA. There is no poverty there, because the cooperative movement is doing very well. And the third I have seen in Tamil Nadu at Vallam, Thanjavur.

I am in touch with these three, and visit them often. But apart from that, the Government of India has started a few PURAs with public-private participation. The number of PURAs is increasing. But it has to be fast. After all, there are 600,000 villages; we have to establish 7000 PURAs in 10-15 years’ time. We have less than 100.

What is the status of the Youth Brigade which exhorts young people to stand up even to their parents if they indulge in corrupt practices, and the “What Can I Give” mission?

Many schools and colleges have started ‘What Can I Give’ missions. It is not a structured programme, we don’t want one; it will not grow. It is the responsibility of each institution to start a programme and promote reform within their institution. Then we have started what is called Happy Home which has four components: spirituality, mother’s happiness, transparency, and a green and clean environment. The youth have taken an oath that they will live in a house free from corruption.

Your writing reflects great contentment, yet this never stops you from action.

God helps only those who work hard. There is nothing like contentment. Success is not the ultimate aim.

However, at no time should you allow your problems to overwhelm you. I can’t say that I am content, because I meet 80,000 to 100,000 youth a month. I know their dreams, their pain. A nation without a vision dies. Parliament has to give this vision.

ANJANA RAJAN

http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-metroplus/a-nation-without-a-vision-dies/article5065821.ece

There is no stopping the Rupee’s decline

Rupees

By Gautam Mukherjee on July 12, 2013

http://www.niticentral.com/2013/07/12/in-the-meantime-address-pent-up-demand-regularise-unauthorised-colonies-102836.html

In the meantime, address pent up demand, regularise unauthorised colonies

An insolent Government that chose to ignore growth for all the time since 2008 is making us all pay with a free-falling currency. It is presently yo-yoing between 59 to 62 to the US dollar and it is wishful thinking to expect it not to head towards 70. There is very little by way of RBI intervention possible now that the rupee is crashing.

You cannot stop a tidal wave or a mudslide when it is on the move. Because the real reason it is doing so is because the economy is in a complete mess.

So, for inspiration, the Indian stock market is clutching at global cues. One straw, very popular everywhere is the state of the American Union. We listened keenly to what the outgoing Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke said about the future US economy. He said there is some recovery there and more is expected and our stock market rallied on this opinion. Perhaps, the mirage is if the US does better, so will we. China too is slowing drastically, its exports down, its domestic demand sluggish. Are we going to benefit from this?
Dallar and Rupees Relation copy

Rupee tumbles down a bottomless pit

Our precariousness is not just about the yawning maw of the Current Account Deficit (CAD) and runaway inflation alone. With little or no growth in sector after sector, it will engulf everything in its grasp in system breakdown mode. If you can’t manufacture anymore because of lack of demand it does not matter how good your product might be. Witness Mahindra staggering production. And Mercedes-Benz worrying about how their launches of the B-Class and the new E-Class is not making an impact. Even as Audi is busy raising prices in lakhs to compensate for declining margins.

Eagle’s View of the Indian Economy

And notice when 60 square feet tin sheds in Dharavi slum in Mumbai change hands for Rs 1 crore, a rate higher than the skyscrapers of hot destination Lower Parel. Of course, there is a buzz that it is going to be redeveloped per a 1998 proposal come of age, and it is very centrally located in a long thin city.

But verily, it’s all going a little topsy-turvy and unplanned when the as yet unprinted 12th Five Year Plan is already being reviewed afresh at the Planning Commission. But here’s the rub — if you raise prices to compensate for the falling rupee you end up making matters worse. Not that it will deter anyone from doing so. So, manage or perish if you will.

Rupee plunges past 61 vs dollar

The Government of India has never understood, except for the brief years of NDA rule under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the crucial importance of promoting growth. In the end, neither did the voting population understand any better, because they took objection to the proposition that India was ‘shining’. Today, many realise that it was a comparative thing being referred to. And the objective reality is that it was certainly shining compared to the dire straits we find ourselves in after 10 years of UPA rule. Every advantage of the Vajpayee years has been squandered with nothing to show for it.

Despite talk of reform, India’s economy remains under stress

Nothing moves now except welfare and even that is not being executed particularly well. If helping the poor is the objective then surely it should not be at the expense of beggaring the rest of the nation. But this is a chariot, a juggernaut, that no one can stop. So, may it serve the people that need it most.

Even here, the Food Ordinance may end up impacting the rural farmer as people start arbitraging between the subsidised grain and open market prices. It happens in every charity zone, the given away and donated goods turn up on the black market. Human nature will not suddenly change to accommodate lofty ideals. But most people think idealism does not enter into it. It is a simple poll- winning strategy being employed with a reported Rs 500-crore publicity binge to follow.

Meanwhile, our balance of trade, never good, is tilting sharply against us. Uday Kotak says, symbolically, though truthfully enough, that our Ganesha idols now come from China. Infosys can only think of resurrecting their retired Midas to try and breathe life into its malaise. The banks are threatening to ‘name and shame’ the guarantors of absconding loan defaulters. Tax collections are down because even the big boys are not making much money today. Agriculture, at the root of the food politics today, is in crisis.

We cannot afford our guns and tanks, though it is claimed we will be spending more on defence purchases than Britain soon. Our role on the global stage will prove increasingly onerous without the money to fund it. And yet, what are we planning to do about it? Not a lot as it happens, because there is too little time left to reap any harvest from policy changes that may take years to implement and benefit from.

Better therefore to deal with pent up demand that can be alleviated with a few deft strokes at the Gordian knot of red tape. One part was the regularisation of unauthorised colonies in Delhi thus putting legitimacy and money in the pockets of many. It is being trotted out still, and may take time to dot all the I’s and cross all the T’s, but prices and transactions have gone up substantially.

Food Security Bill will destroy India’s economy

The next bit is about agricultural land, country homes, lal dora land, abadi land. All this will do likewise for the urban villages, hundreds in number, as well as the ‘Farm House’ wallahs and wannabes. It will roll out first in the Delhi/NCR region, recently expanded further, and can quickly be replicated all over the country wherever it seems appropriate, once the precedent is set and tested. And this by the State Governments themselves so that they can promote their own bonanzas.

This is indeed a way to conjure millions and billions of rupees, albeit devalued, and has been an open sesame and secret for the political classes and their rich friends for ages. But now, the idea is to spread the largesse and make a lot of voters happy almost instantly. It is a magic wand of regulatory easing of building, usage and zoning laws. It is expected to deliver explosive prosperity to many. And this sudden gain is expected to both lubricate the wheels of the election machine as well as trigger a consumption-led boom.

Time to polish those very rough edges Chetan Bhagat

It is that time of the five years where there is an opinion poll a week on the upcoming elections. This time, one of the first questions every poll tries to answer is this: Will Narendra Modi win?

Of course, like with opinions, same with opinion polls, there’s no agreement. Some see a major swing in his favour, others say a third-front government, while still others say Congress is coming back to power. In other words, we have no idea.

So, will he? As of now, there is only one conclusion – it is possible, but it’s not easy.

So why won’t India, sick of poor governance, vote for Modi, the new shiny symbol of hope? Besides the obvious ‘no Muslim vote’ arguments , there are other reasons. Unfortunately, I don’t think Team Modi is thinking these through. In the spirit of ‘nobody is perfect’ it is worthwhile to note some glaring errors Modi is making as far as pure politics is concerned. Here are four. One, the first rough edge is an inability to blend. While a strong personality is a positive, it must be able to amalgamate with others as well. Modi stands tall on his own, but somehow does not work so well as a combo meal. Many regional allies are still afraid to be seen on stage with Modi. If Modi’s development image is so strong, why don’t regional leaders stand next to him to come across as pro-development ? A softening of Modi’s image and his supporters being less vitriolic in their response to critics will help.

Right now, team Modi risks turning into a cult. It is reminiscent of RSS, who though doing good work, are unable to become as acceptable as other social work organizations. Two, there is a tendency to take too many pot-shots . After a while it comes across as too negative and vicious. Everyone knows the weaknesses of our current PM. People should see Modi as the solution , not as a critic. Doing a stand-alone speech on Independence Day was fine. However, an open challenge to the PM, and an almost pointwise rebuttal of the PM’s speech two hours later, was not the classiest act. While his existing supporters may cheer, fence sitters may feel alarmed at the aggression.

Three, there seems to be an overselling of Modi and underselling of the BJP. Modi-hype is rising to the point where sections of the population see him as a messiah. His supporters feel the election is a vote on him and only he matters in the BJP. This is incorrect. In practical terms Modi provides a little push, a small swing to the BJP’s numbers. While small swings can lead to big results , he isn’t the election himself. People in India either vote on the caste of the local candidate or issues like “Will I get water in my slum?” We essentially have local elections. A majority of the voters do not care about the economy, concepts like India-first or high-level corruption. (If they did, India would not be in as terrible state as it is today.) In such a scenario, to oversell Modi, and undersell the local BJP leaders is silly. Do not mistake a popular leader providing a little push as the saviour himself. Modi will not win every seat for the BJP. Local BJP MPs, ministers and CMs will win the seats, with Modi’s added boost. If the BJP wins a lot of seats, Modi will become PM. Hence, Modi needs the BJP as much as the BJP needs him.

Four, there is need to adapt his personality to pan-Indian sensitivities. Too much aggression doesn’t work well for certain Indian cultures – for instance in the southern states. Modi is a stranger to them. A man tightening his fist and attacking every word of the already familiar, even if flawed, Congress is not going to gain much traction. An understanding of Indian cultures, and adapting one’s personality and body language to attune to the locals is essential. Gujarati food may be lovely, but it is not to all Indians’ taste. In a pan-Indian clientele, a neutral, staple Indian buffet, even if less authentic, may attract more customers.

Modi is on a strong wicket. Things are much better for him and his supporters than even a few months ago. If they want this hype to deliver results the rough edges need to be polished. For, without cutting-and-polishing even a diamond doesn’t shine, and remains just a stone.

Hindu encyclopaedia to be unveiled today

In a milestone for Indian studies, the English edition of Encyclopaedia of Hinduism , a product of 25 years of relentless academic efforts by nearly 1000 scholars, will be unveiled on Monday.

The 11-volume encyclopaedia which covers Hindu spiritual beliefs, practices and philosophy, encompasses more than 7,000 articles that span Indian history, civilisation, language and philosophy; architecture, art, music and dance; medicine, sciences and social institutions; and religion, spirituality and the role of Hindu women.

More than 1,000 colour illustrations and photographs bring the Hindu traditions and culture alive for readers.

Conceived, compiled and produced by the India Heritage Research Foundation, and published by Mandala Publishing, the voluminous product is scheduled to be unveiled at the University of South Carolina (USC) during a day-long conference.
Hindu Encyclopedia
The conference will be attended by Rajendra K. Pachauri, the chairperson of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change which was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007; Anna Hazare, an anti-corruption activist, besides Swami Chidanand Saraswati, president of Parmarth Niketan Ashram and founder of India Heritage Research Foundation.

“The encyclopaedia, a comprehensive compilation of the spiritual and cultural heritage of India, provides a rich tapestry of Hinduism in the global context, a great gift to mankind,” said Meera Narasimhan, a professor and chairman of neuropsychiatry and vice-dean at the USC School of Medicine.

“The Encyclopaedia of Hinduism is a milestone in research for this culture and religion, reflecting the very best in India and Western scholarship,” said Hal French, a USC distinguished professor emeritus of religious studies, who has served as associate editor of the encyclopaedia.

— PTI

Pandit Raghunath Panigrahi is no more

Pandit Raghunatha Panigrahi ! copy

Renowned Indian classical singer and music director, a noted vocalist of Jayadeva’s ‘Gita Govind’, Pandit Raghunath Panigrahi died at the age of 82. Pandit Panigrahi’s effort to popularise poet Jayadeva’s ’Gita Govinda’, not just in the state but worldwide. He got prestigious doctored award from Utkala University and revenswa college for his life time achievement.

Born at Gunupur in Odisha’s Rayaga (earlier Koraput) district, Panigrahi learnt from his father the classical way of singing ‘Gita Govinda’, which describes the unique relationship between Lord Krishna and the ‘Gopis’, as preserved in the traditions of the Lord Jagannath Temple in Puri.
Pandit Raghunath was the first Odia singer to be honoured by the French government for his ‘Gita Govinda’ composition way back in the 70s. However, the noted vocalist had to wait till 2010 for the Padmashri award, a belated honour for the great master.

Democracy in ancient Indian

प्राचीन भारत में गणराज्य

जनसत्ता 23 जून, 2013: अंग्रेजी शासन के अधिकारी और अंग्रेज लेखक ऐसे मंतव्य प्रकाशित करते रहते थे कि भारत में सदैव निरंकुश राजाओं का ही शासन रहा है, भारतवासी प्राचीनकाल से ही निरंकुशता के अभ्यस्त रहे हैं, इस्लामी शासकों की निरंकुशता तो सर्वविदित है- इसलिए भारत पर अंग्रेजों जैसा शासन अनुचित नहीं है।

इस चर्चा से इतिहास में प्रचलित राज्य-व्यवस्थाओं के चरित्र पर बातचीत शुरू हो गई। लॉर्ड कर्जन द्वारा 1904 में बंग भंग किए जाने पर यह चर्चा और तेज होने लगी। प्राचीन भारत की राज्यव्यवस्था का प्रश्न राष्ट्रीय स्वाभिमान से जुड़ गया।
काशीप्रसाद जायसवाल ने इस विषय पर सर्वप्रथम सबसे प्रामाणिक विचार प्रस्तुत किए। जायसवाल ने 1911-13 में ‘कलकटा वीकली नोट्स’ और ‘मॉडर्न रिव्यू’ में अंग्रेजी में लेख लिखे और 1912 के हिंदी साहित्य सम्मेलन में एक निबंध हिंदी में पढ़ा। इन लेखों के आधार पर 1918 में अंग्रेजी में एक ग्रंथ बना, जो कुछ विलंब से 1924 के अंत में कलकत्ता विश्वविद्यालय से प्रकाशित हुआ। इसे तुरंत वहां इतिहास के पाठ्यक्रम में स्थान मिला। शीघ्र ही देश के अन्य विश्वविद्यालयों में भी इसे पढ़ाया जाने लगा। प्राचीन भारत की राज्य-व्यवस्था पर लिखा गया यह पहला और महत्त्वपूर्ण ग्रंथ था। इसका रामचंद्र वर्मा ने हिंदी अनुवाद किया। इसी ग्रंथ का पुनर्मुद्रण अब हुआ है।
काशीप्रसाद जायसवाल अनुपम इतिहासकार थे। उन्होंने प्राचीन भारत के उन्हीं पहलुओं पर शोधकार्य किया, जिनको अन्य किसी ने नहीं छुआ था। हिंदू राज्य-तंत्र के अलावा उन्होंने 180 से 320 ई. तक के इतिहास पर भी लिखा। तब तक इस काल के इतिहास के विषय में कोई जानकारी उपलब्ध नहीं थी। इसीलिए इसे ‘अंधकार युग’ कहते थे। जायसवाल ने खुदाइयों में प्राप्त सामग्री, मूर्तियों, मुद्राओं और पुराणों में मिलने वाले विवरणों के आधार पर नाग-भारशिव, वाकाटक और सातवाहन साम्राज्यों का यह विवरण पहली बार 1932 में प्रकाशित किया।
प्राचीन मुद्राओं के विषय में उनकी विशेषज्ञता का सभी इतिहासकार लोहा मानते थे। मौर्य और गुप्तकाल की मुद्राओं पर उनके कार्य पर लंदन की रायल एशियाटिक सोसाइटी ने उन्हें 1931 में व्याख्यान देने के लिए बुलाया। वे ‘न्युमिस्मैटिक सोसाइटी आॅफ इंडिया’ के 1934 और 1936 में दो बार अध्यक्ष चुने गए। प्राचीन लिपियों को पढ़ने में उन्हें दक्षता प्राप्त थी, वे खारवेल (173-160 ई.पूर्व) के हाथीगुंफा लेख को बांचने में सफल रहे। उनकी प्रेरणा से नालंदा आदि लुप्तप्राय स्थानों की पुरातात्त्विक खुदाई हुई। पटना संग्रहालय के स्थापना काल से वे घनिष्ठ रूप से जुड़े हुए थे और उसके संग्रह को बनाने और बढ़ाने में उनका विशेष योगदान था।
उनकी जीविका का साधन वकालत थी। लेकिन उनका शेष समय इतिहास-शोध में ही लगता था। उनसे इतिहास के विद्यार्थी प्रोत्साहन पाते ही थे, हिंदी के साहित्यकारों, पत्रकारों को भी उनसे प्रभूत प्रेरणा और सहायता मिलती थी। महापंडित राहुल सांकृत्यायन को उन्होंने ही तिब्बत की यात्रा पर भेज कर वहां से असंख्य पांडुलिपियां मंगवार्इं, जिन पर आज तक शोध और अनुवाद कार्य चल रहा है। इस महत्त्वपूर्ण सामग्री को सुरक्षित रखने के लिए काशीप्रसाद जायसवाल रिसर्च इंस्टीट्यूट की स्थापना हुई।
‘हिंदू राज्य तंत्र’ के दोनों खंडों में कुल मिला कर उनतालीस अध्याय हैं। इनके लिखने में वेदों, पुराणों, महाभारत, धर्मशास्त्र ग्रंथों, पाणिनि के व्याकरण, कौटिल्य के अर्थशास्त्र (इसकी पांडुलिपि जायसवाल द्वारा इस विषय पर हाथ लगाने के कुछ ही वर्ष पहले 1905 में मिली थी), काव्य-नाटक आदि संस्कृत के साहित्य ग्रंथों, मेगस्थनीज और एरियन जैसे यूनानी वृत्तांतों और इतिहास के अन्य सभी स्रोतों का पूरा उपयोग किया गया है।

इसके दो खंडों में 1000 ई. पूर्व से लेकर 1000 ई. तक भारतीय इतिहास के दो हजार वर्षों में विकसित राजनीतिक संस्थाओं की विवेचना की गई है।

इस ग्रंथ में पहले वैदिककाल की ‘समिति’ और ‘सभा’ संस्थाओं का विवरण है। वैदिककाल तक भारतीय समाज काफी विकसित हो चुका था। इन संस्थाओं में समाज के चुने गए प्रतिनिधि भाग लेते थे। काशीप्रसाद जायसवाल ने ‘समिति’ और ‘सभा’ के संघटन, इनके राजनीतिक कार्यों, निर्णय के पहले इनमें चलने वाले वाद-विवादों और समाज में न्याय स्थापित करने में इनकी भूमिका का प्रमाणों के साथ विवेचन किया है।
वैदिककाल के बाद गणों और संघों का युग आता है। उस समय पश्चिमी और भारतीय विद्वानों में इन श‘गण’ शब्द की परीक्षा करते हुए पाणिनि के मत की पुष्टि की, जिन्होंने ‘संघ’ और ‘गण’ को समानार्थक और देश के अनेक भागों में प्रचलित राजनीतिक संस्था बताया था। उस समय तक धार्मिक ‘संघ’ नहीं बने थे। पाणिनि से यह भी पता चलता है कि उस समय इन गणों में ब्राह्मणों और क्षत्रियों के अलावा अन्य जातियां भी भाग लेती थीं। ‘गण’ के अनेक सदस्यों के वर्ण अभी तक निर्धारित नहीं हुए थे।
यूनानी लेखकों ने पंजाब और सिंध में ‘जाथरोई’ लोगों के होने का उल्लेख किया है। ‘अर्थशास्त्र’ ने इन्हें एक संघ कहा है। संभवत: यह क्षत्रिय लोगों का संघ था, जिन्हें बाद में खत्री कहा जाने लगा। ये लोग सिंध और पंजाब में 1947 तक बसे हुए थे। यूनानी लेखकों द्वारा प्रयुक्त अन्य शब्दों का विश्लेषण करते हुए जायसवाल ने अरिष्ट, सौभूति, आदि गणों का उल्लेख पाया है। सिकंदर को लौटते हुए सिंधु नदी से ब्लूचिस्तान प्रजातांत्रिक राज्य मिले थे, जिनमें मालव, अंबष्ठ और क्षुद्रक गणों के लोग भी थे।
जायसवाल ने यूनानी ग्रंथों के आधार पर इन गणों में चलने वाली शासन-व्यवस्था का विवरण दिया है। उन्होंने ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण और जैन आचारांगसूत्र आदि के आधार पर अराजक राज्य, गण द्वारा शासित राज्य, युवराज द्वारा शासित राज्य, द्वैराज्य, वैराज्य और दरों द्वारा शासित राज्य आदि राज्य-व्यवस्थाओं की कल्पना की है। उन्होंने इन प्रजातंत्रों की कार्यप्रणाली, इनकी नागरिकता, इनकी न्याय-व्यवस्था और कानून और ‘महाभारत’ के ‘शांति पर्व’ के अनुसार इन प्रजातंत्रों की मुख्य बातों के साथ ही नए प्रजातंत्रों के सृजन का विवरण दिया है।
मौर्य साम्राज्य की स्थापना के बाद भी मौर्य साम्राज्य के अंतर्गत बहुत-से राज्य ऐसे थे, जो अपना शासन स्वयं चलाने के लिए स्वतंत्र थे। यौधेय, मालव, राजन्य आदि गण तो शुंग काल और क्षत्रप काल के बाद भी बचे हुए थे। सिकंदर का सफल मुकाबला न कर पाने के कारण गण शासन प्रणाली की आलोचना होने लगी थी। कौटिल्य से यह भी जानकारी मिलती है कि इनके अधिकारियों की व्यक्तिगत प्रतिद्वंद्विता और शक्ति की तृष्णा के कारण इनमें ईर्ष्या और द्वेष के बीज बोए जा सकते हैं। अनेक कारणों से गण राज्यों का ह्रास और नाश हुआ होगा।
ग्रंथ के दूसरे खंड में जायसवाल ने एकराजतंत्र की विवेचना की है। ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण और बाद के ग्रंथों में दी गई राज्याभिषेक की व्यवस्थाओं के आधार पर उन्होंने कुछ सिद्धांत निकाले हैं। प्रारंभ में ये राज्य जनपद और पौर राज्य थे। इनका शासन बहुत विचारसम्मत होता था। इनके संगठन में मंत्रिपरिषद का बहुत महत्त्वपूर्ण स्थान होता था। इससे लगता है कि राजा निरंकुश नहीं हो सकते थे। अशोक के शिलालेखों से पता चलता है कि मंत्रिपरिषद अशोक के आदेशों का विरोध और अवज्ञा कर सकती थी।
जायसवाल के शब्दों में: ‘‘हिंदुओं का एकराज-राज्य वास्तव में एक नागरिक राज्य था।… हिंदू राज्य कभी सैनिक राज्य नहीं होता था।… प्रधान सेनाध्यक्ष और सेना के दूसरे बड़े-बड़े अधिकारी राष्ट्र-परिषद द्वारा नियुक्त किए जाते थे।… सेनाएं किसी राजा को राज्यच्युत नहीं कर सकती थीं, कभी-कभी जनता ने ही उन्हें राज्यच्युत किया है।… वैदिक काल से ही सेना का पद राजा के पद से बिल्कुल भिन्न हुआ करता था। इसी प्रकार हमारे यहां यह भी सिद्धांत था कि जहां तक हो सके युद्ध न किया जाए और विशेषकर केवल दूसरों पर विजय प्राप्त करने के लिए युद्ध करना तो और अनुचित समझा जाता था।…

राज्यतंत्र में धर्म या कानून का स्थान सबसे बढ़ कर और उच्च था।… एरियन ने ‘इंडिका’ में लिखा है कि ‘वे (हिंदू) कहते हैं कि न्यायशीलता किसी हिंदू राजा के भारत के सीमाओं से बाहर जाकर विजय प्राप्त करने से रोकती है।’’… मौर्य सम्राटों के पड़ोसी सेल्यूकस का साम्राज्य बहुत ही दुर्बल और छिन्न-भिन्न हो रहा था।… उन्होंने उसे कभी जीतने का विचार भी नहीं किया।… हिंदू राज्यों की आयु असाधारण रूप से दीर्घ हुआ करती थी और राजा और प्रजा में कभी कोई भीषण संघर्ष नहीं होता था और हम समझते हैं कि समाजशास्त्र के ज्ञाता इतिहासज्ञ लोग इन बातों का मुख्य कारण यही मानेंगे कि हिंदू राज्यतंत्र का स्वरूप नागरिक और धर्मयुक्त था।’’
जायसवाल के इस मौलिक शोधग्रंथ का महत्त्व अब भी बरकरार है। इसके फिर से प्रकाशन से निस्संदेह इतिहास के शोधार्थियों को लाभ मिलेगा।

कमलेश
हिंदू राज्य-तंत्र: काशीप्रसाद जायसवाल; अनुवादक: रामचंद्र वर्मा; विश्वविद्यालय प्रकाशन, चौक, वाराणसी; 400 रुपए।